{"id":6301,"date":"2022-02-25T08:51:05","date_gmt":"2022-02-25T13:51:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/alumni.cornell.edu\/cornellians\/?p=6301"},"modified":"2022-07-01T11:58:24","modified_gmt":"2022-07-01T15:58:24","slug":"race-poverty-public-policy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alumni.cornell.edu\/cornellians\/race-poverty-public-policy\/","title":{"rendered":"Professor Studies Issues at the Intersection of Race, Poverty, and Public Policy"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Jamila Michener\u2019s childhood in NYC inspired her to explore the root causes of inequality in the U.S.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By Beth Saulnier<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jamila Michener was a grade schooler in New York City in 1989, when David Dinkins was elected its first Black mayor. Assigned in class to write him a letter, she told Dinkins she was glad he got the job\u2014because maybe he could do something about the drugs, crime, and poverty in her working-class neighborhood.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Michener\u2014now an <\/em>associate professor of government and public policy<\/em><\/a>\u2014forgot about the letter until years later, when she was a grad student in political science at the University of Chicago. \u201cI told my mom, \u2018I don’t know that this is what I should be doing,\u2019\u201d recalls Michener, whose research falls at the intersection of poverty, race, and public policy. \u201cAnd she showed me the letter and said, \u2018Oh, yes it is; you’ve been interested in this stuff since you were a kid.\u2019\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In addition to her government appointment in Arts and Sciences, Michener is associate dean for public engagement at the new Brooks School of Public Policy and co-director of the <\/em>Cornell Center for Health Equity<\/em><\/a>, a collaboration between faculty in Ithaca and at Weill Cornell Medicine.<\/em> Her book<\/em> Fragmented Democracy: Medicaid, Federalism, and Unequal Politics<\/a> was published in 2018 by Cambridge University Press<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What do you think about this particular moment, when so much attention is being paid to issues of racial and economic inequality?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

It holds both promise and peril. The promise is in the fact that we’re talking about these things. I’ve been studying racism and poverty for a while, but I’ve never been asked to talk about them as much as in the last two years\u2014and by people who weren’t asking before, like medical schools, boards of corporations, federal agencies, and state governments. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

There’s a lot of promise in people learning about the systems, policies, structures, and processes perpetuating inequality, and thinking about ways they can use that knowledge for change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And the peril?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

It\u2019s in stopping there, which often happens. We’re recognizing these problems more than ever, because COVID has been disproportionate in its impact or because of the massive protests following the murder of George Floyd. The hard part is doing something. Getting over that hump is going to be really challenging.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the biggest aspects is the deep level of polarization in this country. Change requires navigating a political process\u2014and there are increasingly irreconcilable differences in how people understand governance, policymaking, and living together as a diverse society. I can’t say I’m especially optimistic, even though I want to be.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The<\/figure>
\n

One of your areas of research is Medicaid. Why?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

It’s a pillar of our healthcare system, and also of our social policy system. Upwards of 80 million people rely on Medicaid, and they span a wide gamut. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many of the adults are living in or near poverty, and the vast majority who can work are working. I don’t actually think that matters; people deserve healthcare whether they’re working or not. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

But to be clear on the empirical facts: we’re talking about working people who cannot afford healthcare, either through their employer or through personal means.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

You devoted a book to the topic. What\u2019s its focus?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A big thing is the implications of federalism. Because Medicaid is a federal\/state program, it’s actually more than 50 programs that look very different. States and territories have a lot of discretion; they decide what benefits you get when you give birth to a child, whether you’re eligible for hospice care if you’re dying of cancer, or if you can get physical therapy after an injury.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Do Americans really understand how Medicaid and other social safety nets work?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

I don\u2019t think so. I teach a class called “The Politics of Poverty,” and we break down myths around who relies on government benefits. For example, although there are disproportionate numbers of people of color\u2014because they’re more likely to be living in or near poverty\u2014in terms of raw numbers, more white Americans rely on these programs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because Medicaid is a federal\/state program, it’s actually more than 50 programs that look very different.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

How do you dispel stereotypes like the \u201cwelfare queen\u201d\u2014an able-bodied person living large off public benefits?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The welfare queen was literally made up for political purposes; we can trace it to the Reagan era. But fraud in public programs is extraordinarily rare, between 1 and 3%. What does that mean? Roughly 97 to 99% of benefit recipients are not<\/em> defrauding the government or looking for a handout. In fact, most are working.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What does that say about the state of jobs in this country?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because wages are so low and work is so volatile and unreliable, people are in and out of the labor market. And our society and our economy rely on people moving in and out of the formal labor force; people who receive public benefits are often upholding our care economy, our gig economy, and certainly our wage-labor economy. But because of policy choices, none of those things is enough to take care of families or pay our astoundingly high housing costs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"An<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

How did you land on this area of research in the first place?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mostly personal experience. I grew up in a low-income, working-class family. My parents were immigrants who came from the Caribbean in the 1970s with nothing, and often worked low-wage jobs to help us stay afloat. As a Black woman from that kind of background, even as a young kid, I had an interest in understanding why things seem to be a particular way.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Could you elaborate?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

When I was in third grade, there were two shootings in my neighborhood close to where I lived, one resulting in the death of a boy about my age. And I remember thinking, \u201cWhy does it seem like all the Black and brown people are in one place, and all the white people are in other places\u2014and where they live seems nice and safe, and where we live seems dangerous and hard?\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first classes I took [at Princeton] was called “The Sociology of Poverty,” and it was like a light bulb went on, because there were terms for things I\u2019d seen and historical processes explaining how they got this way. That was exciting\u2014because if you can understand something, you can change it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Top image: Photo by Ryan Young\/Cornell University<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Published February 25, 2022<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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